KATHMANDU: On the same day the government decided to ban unregistered social media platforms in Nepal such as Facebook, YouTube, and Instagram, on September 4, Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balendra Shah (Balen) posted a status in poetic style on his Facebook wall:

“From tomorrow we shall meet only in dreams,
once the roads are blocked.”

Among the more than 10,000 comments to it, most criticized the government for attempting to impose a ban on social media. Advocate Sagar Sargam Chemjong responded: “Open TikTok, expose the old ones, and form a new political party.”

The next day, September 5, Balen wrote another status:

“Even shutting down Facebook brings stress. Now we’ll only see the work of others. Our voices won’t be heard. It’s difficult for people like us who give speeches.”

Meanwhile, on TikTok — which was still open — a “Nepo Baby” trend had already started. Pictures and videos exposing the lavish lifestyles of leaders’ children, their expensive watches, bags, and activities were circulating widely. Along with this “Nepo Baby” trend, the Gen-Z protest had already been announced on TikTok. Their main issue was misgovernance. The social media ban was merely the latest trigger.

On September 6, restrictions were imposed on most social media platforms. On September 8, a wave of calls emerged urging people to join the Gen-Z protest march from Maitighar to New Baneshwor. Leaders from different political parties, celebrities, and activists heavily promoted the protest. Even controversial pro-monarchist Durga Prasai, known for his anarchic role in the royalist protest of March 2025, announced he would participate in the Gen-Z movement — prompting protesters to urge him not to come.

Fearing that other groups might infiltrate the Gen-Z protest, on September 7, Balen declared that although he fully supported the protest, he himself would not participate as he was older, and advised others of his age not to act clever and join either. He wrote:

“In tomorrow’s spontaneous rally, no party, leader, cadre, MP, opportunist, or activist should be clever enough to use it for their own interest.”

Meanwhile, on TikTok — which was still open — a “Nepo Baby” trend had already started. Pictures and videos exposing the lavish lifestyles of leaders’ children, their expensive watches, bags, and activities were circulating widely.

On the morning of September 8, when the protest began from Maitighar, students and Gen-Z participants were in the majority. Within two hours of the rally reaching Baneshwor, gunfire broke out and protesters fell. By nightfall, 19 people had died across the country and about 400 were reported injured. Pictures and videos of students and young people drenched in blood outside the Parliament building flooded the internet.

As social media users were overwhelmed with emotion, Balen took aim at then–Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, writing: “You’ve become nothing more than a thug of thugs…” He called Oli not just unfit to be a leader but even unworthy of being called a human being, branding him a terrorist. His post acted like “pouring ghee into fire” — it drew more than 150,000 comments and was shared over 120,000 times.

On September 9, the enraged crowd set fire not only to the Parliament building but also to leaders’ homes, party offices, Singha Durbar, the Supreme Court, District Administration Offices, and even commercial establishments. The flames that started in Kathmandu spread like wildfire across the country. Prime Minister Oli was forced to resign, but the protests did not stop.

As the security situation spiraled out of control, Balen addressed Gen-Z directly:

“Your murderer’s resignation has already come. Now, please remain calm.”

Arguing that now Gen-Z itself must lead the country, he raised the issue of talks with the army and the dissolution of Parliament, writing:

“Also, be ready to hold talks with the army chief. But remember, before talks, Parliament must have been dissolved.”

The Gen-Z protest, which had begun with demands for ending corruption and lifting the social media ban, was carried by Balen to the point of negotiations with the army chief and calls for Parliament’s dissolution. He emerged as a shrewd political player.

On the morning of September 8, when the protest began from Maitighar, students and Gen-Z participants were in the majority. Within two hours of the rally reaching Baneshwor, gunfire broke out and protesters fell.

Analyst Jagannath Lamichhane says that Balen “cashed in” on the sentiments of the youth — something leaders of other parties failed to grasp — and used it to play at the level of national politics. He says: “By refusing the post of Prime Minister, he set up the narrative that in the future he could be Prime Minister. No one else has appeared to be as clever a player as him.”

Though Balen was not visibly at the forefront of the protest, until now he has appeared as the main figure of Gen-Z through social media. The agendas he raised came to be recognized as Gen-Z’s agendas. He became the unofficial leader of Gen-Z.

While Balen was busy posting statuses on social media, the Army Headquarters was itself searching for a future prime minister. After consultations among the President, the Chief of Army Staff, Balen, and the heads of political parties, it was decided to appoint Sushila Karki as Prime Minister.

As Balen had written, Gen-Z representatives met the Army Chief. But Gen-Z was not organized. As a result, many who claimed to be the real Gen-Z rushed to Army Headquarters. Among the scattered Gen-Z activists, there was no agreement on who should lead the government. They began quarrelling among themselves. Some demanded that Balen himself should lead the government.

Balen did not appear willing to become Prime Minister of an election government for six months. While other Gen-Z activists were embroiled in disputes over who should be their leader and the head of the future government, suddenly another status appeared from Balen. In it, he stated that he fully supported Sushila Karki to lead the interim/election government.

Saying that the job of this government was only to conduct elections, Balen addressed the President, writing:
“To protect the historic revolution brought by Gen-Z, please immediately form an interim government and dissolve Parliament.”

Events unfolded exactly as Balen wrote on Facebook. Decisions at Army Headquarters were made accordingly.

Talks between the youth and the Army Chief took place, just as Balen had written. Karki, whom Balen supported, was appointed Prime Minister of the interim government. The House of Representatives was dissolved, just as Balen repeatedly demanded.

Balen with then-Chief of Army Staff General Prabhu Ram Sharma

If we examine these developments one after another, it is clear that among the three tiers of government, this time the Mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City, Balen, played a role from behind the scenes in shaping the federal government.

Looking at the past, right after being sworn in as mayor on May 30, 2022, Balen had gone straight to Army Headquarters to meet then–Army Chief Prabhu Ram Sharma. Having appeared close to the Nepal Army, this time too he not only called on Gen-Z to hold talks with the Army Chief, but also served as the channel to relay the decisions being made inside Army Headquarters to Gen-Z.

Professor of Political Science Krishna Pokharel says that although Balen did not come directly to the forefront of the Gen-Z movement, he emerged as a source of inspiration for the protesters, and the new generation regarded him as their “idol.” “In our time, Manmohan Adhikari and BP Koirala were the idols of politics. Now, at a time when idols are absent in politics, the youth have considered Balen their idol,” he says. “Reaching out to young people through social media, this time too Balen played a role from inspiring the movement to even forming a new government — all through social media.”

On December 12, 2022, a football match was held between the elected representatives and employees of Kathmandu Metropolitan City. The Mayor’s XI team, led by Balen, was defeated by the employees’ team with a score of 6–1. But in the game of politics, he proved himself successful: first by becoming the mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City, and second, by capitalizing on the momentum of Gen-Z to score the ultimate goal in power politics — forming a government itself.