KATHMANDU: “A head of state is needed who will uphold the constitution and protect the nation’s sovereignty, independence, and integrity. Should this head of state be a traditional king or not? Recently, when such a proposal was raised, the king withdrew, saying there was no point in coming if the parties could not reach a consensus. If the people speak and support it, perhaps the king might come?”

This statement is not from any member of the royal family, nor a royalist, nor someone who benefited from the monarchy.

On the contrary, it comes from a person who once believed the monarchy should be abolished and even took up arms, seeing Mao Zedong not just as an ideal but as a party leader.

This person, CP (Chandraprakash) Mainali, was heard saying this in the wake of Gen Z movement, at a tea program in Dillibazar, Kathmandu, organized by Nepali Congress (BP) for Dashain and Tihar greetings.

Mainali did not only appear on stage with former royalists, but also agreed with Nepali Congress (BP)’s demand to reinstate the 1990 constitution.

Claiming that kings saved the country, he referenced BP, saying, “After Bangladesh and Sikkim, BP Koirala was right in saying that the monarchy and people’s power must unite. Only if democratic forces come together can the country survive; otherwise, it cannot.”

In January 1976, the government charged CP and others with murder and abduction to suppress the “class enemy annihilation” campaign.

Mainali, who later became deputy prime minister during the republican era, is now seen by many as having a deep ideological deviation for falling under royalist influence.

He, however, calls it ideological revival. Nowadays, he regards kings like Prithvi Narayan Shah, Mahendra, and Birendra as equally important as Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Mao.

At his residence in Chabahil, portraits of both communist philosophers and kings are displayed together.

The rise of CP

During the Panchayat era, in 1975, youth separated from the Koshi provincial committee of the Communist Party of Nepal to form the Jhapa district committee.

Influenced by China’s Cultural Revolution and Naxalite Movement in India, CP’s group, led by his brother Radhakrishna Mainali, began armed struggle in Jhapa targeting “class enemies.”

CP excelled academically, ranking fifth in the 1967 SLC exams. He then joined Amrit Science College and subsequently passed a scholarship exam for studying abroad.

But due to poor eyesight, he was denied the scholarship later, increasing his involvement in the Jhapa rebellion. When Radhakrishna fell ill with tuberculosis, leadership passed to KP Sharma Oli.

CP rose due to secretive leadership gaps, health issues of others, and police crackdowns.By 1972, CP was elected party secretary. His influence was such that dissenters in the party could not challenge him, and Naxalbari  representatives were invited to train for armed revolution.

By 1973, the party stopped targeted killings, though eight “class enemies” had already been killed, seven by the government.

In June of 1975, under CP’s leadership, the “All Nepal Revolutionary Coordination Center (Core) Marxist-Leninist” was formed.

CP and 15 prisoners escaped from Nakhu prison in 1976, enhancing his fame. Over the years, Core united various small communist groups into the CPN (ML) in January 1976.

While the party abandoned the Naxalite line in 1975, Maoist principles remained the guiding principle. CP resigned as general secretary in 1982 after internal disputes, which he viewed as an Indian-backed conspiracy.

Subsequently, Jhalnath Khanal became general secretary. In 1990, the fourth CPN (ML) general convention selected Madan Bhandari as general secretary and decided to ally with other parties against the Panchayat system.

After the successful 1990 movement, the CPN (ML) merged with CPN (Marxist) to form CPN (UML), with Manmohan Adhikari as president and Bhandari as general secretary.

CP spent over 50 years in leftist politics and, at age 73, is now publicly seen embracing royalist sentiments. In 1993, his revised proposal for “new communism” was rejected at UML’s fifth general convention.

After the deaths of key leaders in 1994, Madhav Kumar Nepal became general secretary, and CP served briefly as minister. Later, he led a split to revive CPN (ML), which later failed to win seats in elections.

In two Constituent Assembly elections, he was elected via proportional representation. In 2022 elections, CPN (ML) won no seats.

Despite his leftist background, CP never demanded a monarchy; he voted for the republic in the 2015 constitution and served as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Women, Children, and Social Welfare under KP Sharma Oli’ government.

Turning royalist

CP claims he has long admired ‘good kings’ and supported King Birendra’s Peace Zone proposal while in jail.

He stresses that the monarchy played a key role in unifying and protecting Nepal, noting reforms under King Mahendra were undervalued.

Some contemporaries see his shift as a significant ideological deviation, while others consider it reflective of the ebb and flow of Nepal’s communist movement.

Analyst Khagendra Sangraula, however, regards his recent royalist leanings as unnatural. Jhapa movement leaders, such as Radhakrishna Mainali and Mohanchandra Adhikari, also moved toward royalist or Hindu nationalist positions in later years.

Nepali communists have historically faced criticism for closeness to the palace. Some leaders, following the “Raymajhi path,” aligned with kings, illustrating a pattern of ideological swings among those from feudal backgrounds.