KATHMANDU: “Who could have thought that the storm blows harder the farther it leaves Paradise behind?”

I have quoted this statement, which is mentioned in the preface (second edition) of the book Imagined Communities written by Benedict Anderson after observing the Indochina (Cambodia-Vietnam) war and its consequences in 1978–79, many times in the past, and I am doing so again this time. This beautiful figurative statement signals the possibilities and fears that follow sudden-seeming change. This should not be taken to mean that what was there before was necessarily right.

After the youth rebellion of September 8 and 9, Nepal is now like an airplane that has entered a thick cloud. The uncertainty and apprehension before us are whether that plane will pierce the cloud and travel towards the light, or whether it will drift in the darkness within the cloud for a long time. There is also the fear that if the government fails to find the right direction, the situation might spiral out of control and the airplane might crash into a mountain.

There are some objective bases for the estimation of a potential accident, which may sound pessimistic or negative; they are not subjective matters. We wish that this does not happen, and that the country finds a bright path. Collective effort is necessary for that. But it is equally true that in the past we lacked a critical consciousness. We indulged in artificial hope and carelessness. That aspect is also responsible for the situation that led to the youth rebellion of September 8 and 9.

The demands articulated by the Gen Z, which makes up about 30 percent of the population, were indeed the concerns of the majority of Nepalis. The flag of rebellion they raised was representative. This rebellion has provided an unprecedented opportunity for the democratization of Nepali politics. But opportunity does not automatically turn into results.

Optimism without vigilance and skepticism often becomes the cause of extreme despair. Unnatural optimism towards a government formed after a rebellion for a specific purpose in a particular situation can become a reason for disappointment in the near future.

Looking at it irrespective of the outcome, this predominantly city-centric Autumn Rebellion, known as the Gen Z movement, is an unprecedented example of political awakening in the new generation. Following the tragedy of a natural disaster, the Nepali society, which was planning celebrations right before the autumnal festivals like Dashain and Tihar, was badly startled by the events of September 8 and 9. Six weeks have passed since the movement.

A multidimensional analysis of this rebellion, which successfully created a liberal and convention-free political imagination, is necessary. More layers of this will unfold and further analysis will continue in the days to come. Whether the movement is fruitful or not will depend on the working style and results of the government formed in the situation created by the movement.

Examples of youth leadership

As I was preparing the draft of this article, the media were publishing and broadcasting the news that Nepal had qualified for the Cricket World Cup. Social media users were thanking and congratulating the Nepali Cricket Team and the players for raising the country’s prestige with such a leap. The majority of the players in the Nepali team belong to the Gen Z age group. The average age of the players in the Nepali team preparing for the World Cup is 24 years. But while celebrating the team’s achievement, no one was asking which generation they belonged to.

Through sports, the youth have repeatedly provided opportunities for happiness to Nepalis in the past as well. That is, Nepali youth are capable of turning opportunities into results despite many limitations. Citizens seek similar results in all sectors. They are also looking for similar result-oriented performance from the government and politicians.

In the context of political change, too, past movements, revolutions, and rebellions were successful or unsuccessful based on the participation and leadership of the new generation.

The significant past events that changed the political, economic, and socio-cultural path of the country happened under the dreams, imagination, and leadership of the youth.

Let’s discuss a few contexts. When Prithvi Narayan Shah became the King of Gorkha in 1743 and started the campaign of state expansion by leading the army, he was 20 years old. The imagination and initiative for the important campaign of unifying fragmented states to create a strong Nepal could only have been possible under the leadership of a young man.

The rise of Jung Bahadur Rana was a historical event that gave a different turn to Nepal’s politics. When he seized power through the Kot Massacre in 1846 and became Prime Minister, he was 29 years old. The Rana rule, which started with Jung Bahadur, lasted for one hundred and four years and ended in 1950. But the remnants of that regime are still influencing Nepali society.

Ganga Lal Shrestha, the youngest of the four martyrs of 1941, achieved martyrdom at the age of 22. As conscious youths, he and others had carried out activities against the autocratic Rana regime. Youths under 30 years of age, including B.P. Koirala and Manmohan Adhikari, participated in the Indian independence movement. They later led the democratic movement of Nepal. Chiniyakaji Tuladhar, killed in 1951 after the establishment of democracy, was the first student martyr. At this time, he had just entered adolescence. Following this incident, the then Home Minister B.P. Koirala had to resign.

Pushpa Lal was only 20-22 years old when he founded the Communist Party. B.P. was around 30 years old when the Nepali Congress was established.

Protesters breaking through police barricades on the first day of the Gen Z movement on September 8. Photo: Bikram Rai/Nepal News

A significant event in Nepali politics, especially communist politics, was the Jhapa Rebellion. Its main leaders and proponents were in their 20s and 30s. Similarly, the majority of the revolutionary youths who fought against the then-state during the decade-long Maoist armed conflict that began in 1996 were also in the 20-30 age group.

In 1973, a plane of the then Royal Nepal Airlines Corporation was hijacked. The main mastermind of that plane hijack, which was carried out for political purposes, was Durga Subedi, the husband of current Prime Minister Sushila Karki. At that time, Subedi was a young man of 27 years.

There are these and many other examples of the courageous leadership of young people in history, who played a decisive role in changing the trajectories of Nepali politics. The current Gen Z movement was different in nature. It was also different from the past in terms of political ambition, but it can be considered a link in the chain of past events.

It would be impractical and inappropriate to confine public discourse to the narrow technical definition of Gen Z. However, in the immediate context, Gen Z has become less of an age group and more of a social construct, a living reality, and a concept. This age classification, which came into vogue around the beginning of the century based on Western population dynamics, is equally impractical in the context of the politics and future of all countries. Their characteristics need to be understood within the distinctiveness of each country.

Today’s new generation must make a conscious effort to intervene in politics by combining information, knowledge, and experience. Politics is an exercise that is different from a social campaign, more complex and arduous than the structure and function of civil society, and requires passion and patience. Politics is guided by a specific political philosophy. That is, it cannot remain ideologically neutral. Today’s new generation, in particular, must be free from illusions that a powerful hero will come and solve all the country’s problems, and that he can wipe out all anomalies and establish good governance. The effort and energy of only one person or one group are not enough to solve deep-rooted systemic problems; multi-dimensional cooperation at various levels is necessary.

A solution that relies on one person is not only insufficient but can also be risky. Just as the problems are multi-dimensional, the solutions cannot be one-dimensional. Not all problems may be solved until the country or society moves forward from a specific condition. Today’s new generation must continuously question their understandings and beliefs.

Contemporary context and Gen Z rebellion

It is wrong to understand the Gen Z rebellion merely as a spontaneous event that started in the form of a demand for freedom of expression and a vigilance campaign against corruption, linked to the context of shutting down social media including Facebook. In terms of consequences, this rebellion took an unprecedented form.

Unimaginable upheaval occurred over a period of 48 hours. Many were martyred. Many lost their lives. Important national heritage sites were burned. Private properties were set on fire. Those in power were ousted, a new government was formed outside the constitutional process, and it created anxiety and worry among common people about ‘what happens next?’ Whatever happened, right or wrong, happened in reality, but it is insufficient to view this incident ahistorically as a specific event for that time and place only.

The Gen Z is not just a witness to Nepal’s recent history but a generation that has been able to experience it as a doer. Those who were born after the decade-long Maoist armed rebellion that began less than a decade after the restoration of multiparty democracy, the People’s Movement of 2006, the Madhesh rebellion, and the first Constituent Assembly election are in the current Gen Z age group. They were not able to participate in those recent past events, but the consequences of those events have a significant impact on who they are now or how they think. This generation was born and raised under a liberal democratic governance system and is also the generation most integrated with the world. The volume of their sources of information, knowledge, and ideas is broad.

This new generation grew up hearing about corruption, impunity, inconvenience in public service delivery, and anomalies in all sectors, regardless of which government was in power. They also had no reason to be excited and see a bright future within the country. They thought they were living in the most uncertainty and chaos in history.

The youth’s mistrust was increasing towards the organs of the state—the executive, legislature, judiciary, media—as well as other components of society.

The existing political parties and traditional associations and organizations were becoming weak and irrelevant in representing and organizing these youths. They did not believe that such organizations could address their problems. They grew up expanding relations with many people like themselves through social media platforms based on the internet.

Youth are capable of being influenced by and learning from each other. It is through this path that they gain maturity in understanding and changing politics and the world. In the process of mingling and debating on social media, they were learning that they should help those in trouble, do something for society, and fight against evils like pervasive corruption in the country. They were drawing inspiration.

The sources of such inspiration for them were not schools or colleges, nor were they publications and training of any political party, nor their families. Rather, their sources of inspiration were the various types of youth rebellions happening around the world. Many of us did not even know that the famous Japanese anime One Piece had become an ideological source for many of them.

To the extent that, just as in the movements in other Asian countries including the Philippines and Indonesia, some youths in Nepal’s Gen Z rebellion also used the flag of One Piece as a symbol of protest. This is one example of how the consciousness to revolt against anomalies and misgovernance is being constructed in today’s youth.

One Piece mural in Patan, Lalitpur. Photo: Bikram Rai/Nepal News

When the older section of the Gen Z generation was passing through adolescence, a devastating earthquake hit the country. Some of them participated in relief, rescue, and rehabilitation efforts. They also participated in efforts to raise and distribute relief during the COVID-19 pandemic. After the earthquake and during the COVID period, they connected with each other and mobilized support through social media.

In addition to this, this generation participated in various campaigns for the opposition of corruption, social justice, and the right to life of marginalized citizens. Whether it was Enough is Enough, Occupy Baluwatar, the movement against loan sharks, or the campaign ‘Garikhana Deu’ (Let us make a living) against Kathmandu Metropolitan Mayor Balen Shah’s move to drive away those setting up shops on footpaths and selling goods on carts and bicycles, they participated.

Thus, they were organizing in different groups and forms in various parts of the country for social justice and against the evils of the state. All those opportunities and activities were a chance for them to learn and practice. The movement of September 8 was the culmination of such campaigns and practices. Ideological plurality and fluidity are natural in the youth of this age group. A unified, organized, and long-term political movement is not their goal. Dissatisfaction with and rebellion against the current situation are their characteristics. This movement was essentially raised on the foundation of distrust against the government and the parties. The public’s belief in distrust is very strong. But the political result seen after the rebellion of September 8 and 9 was not the primary aim of the movement’s conveners.

Protester from Gen Z movement including “Enough is Enough,” “Occupy Baluwatar,” and “Garikhana Deu” (Give us the means to earn a living). Photo: Taisu Kitajima.

The talk of infiltration and conspiracy during the movement happened this time as if it were the first time. Those who have participated in past movements or observed the nature of such movements closely can confidently say that it is natural for various interest groups and criminal elements to infiltrate any socio-political movement, taking it as an opportunity.

What is even more natural is that when such campaigns are comparatively successful, such groups become even more active and compete to take credit and benefit from the success. That is what happened this time too.

The massive destruction this time was also caused by the anger following the murder of young adolescents on September 8. But incidents of infiltration and directed destruction by interest groups in the movement have also been exposed. Some evidence has been and is being made public showing that such infiltration and destruction were not just the result of the immediate situation but were also pre-planned. If so, it is a crime and a punishable act. But trying to neutralize the core essence and spirit of the movement by only pointing out those negative acts would be another great mistake.

Signals for the future

This movement has not only made the term Gen Z widespread in common parlance, but it has also given a significant signal about the characteristics of future movements. The inevitability and effectiveness of using technology will now shape the social and political plans and campaigns of the future.

Today’s person has become so accustomed to the many internet-based social media platforms that they rely on the network to express their personal and professional thoughts and to get the information they need. The interests and way of thinking of those who are accustomed to and dependent on its use gradually and unknowingly begin to be influenced by the information flowing on such networks.

A society like ours, with a low intellectual level and weak critical consciousness, is easily influenced by such information. This is why interest groups make full use of technology. Particularly, politicians can make the country a heaven or a hell through the good and bad use of technology. According to the historian Yuval Noah Harari, 21st-century human beings are ‘hackable’ creatures.

Today, an individual’s interests and opinions are oriented and changed by commercial companies, governments, or some interest groups through algorithms.

Since the algorithm is an important concept of the present time, effective politics in the future will be virtually impossible without knowledge and capacity regarding how it works. It will also play a significant role in determining which path to take next. The popularity of political parties will no longer be measured by the number of members or the occasional crowd gathered on the street. Instead, the side with the effective ‘brain team’ and the number of ‘influencers’ will be more effective.

Most social media users are merely passive consumers who do not resist. They form opinions and behave according to the information and news that appears on the network. In some political issues, people are motivated through algorithms to form opinions and behave according to a template and intention determined by a certain group. For this, the tactics are posting the same kind of information from different people, times, and places, and using celebrities with a good fan following as influencers. Sudan Gurung of the ‘Hami Nepal’ organization, who was also accused of ‘hijacking’ the Gen Z movement, stated in an interview with an online portal that he had created ‘138 influencers and a 35-member brain team for the September 8 and 9 protests.’ The ‘Discord’ app was used for discussion to evade government surveillance. His disclosure is just one example.

During the Panchayat era, it was very difficult and expensive to communicate the news of a gathering or assembly to the target group. Distributing anti-government pamphlets, pasting posters, or writing on walls had to be done late at night, avoiding the eyes of the police and risking danger. Today, due to the development of technology, one can write, speak, and broadcast about any political party, leader, government, or anyone from any corner of the world. Social media has become such a weapon that if it falls into the hands of good people, it can be used for the greater good of humanity, and if used by bad people, it can destroy humanity and civilization itself. Contrary to ‘Cogito ergo sum’ (I think, therefore I am), today’s person lives the existence of ‘someone thinks for me, and therefore I am’. The ‘I’ has become one who stands on the thoughts of others, and is mobilized as others wish.

Harari said a few years ago, ‘The work of giving the world a new shape and dimension will be done by Artificial Intelligence (AI).’ Artificial Intelligence is the latest ultimate invention of technology. Ordinary people have access to its use. As its development and spread gain momentum, challenges are also increasing simultaneously.

Failing parties and the alternative

Coming to the Gen Z movement, which was an explosion of dissatisfaction with anomalies and misgovernance, political parties have only two options: reform or perish. Whichever of these two happens, the country will benefit. It would be best if parties with history and experience reform, gain approval through the democratic process, and come to power. But if they want to be reinstated by clinging to the old style and thinking, disregarding the necessity of reform, then it is better that they perish. Others will fill the vacant space.

A leadership that flows in arrogance and stupidity, saying, ‘No matter what the world says, I don’t care, only I am right, the country will be ruined without me,’ cannot represent the present time and generation. Such a leadership and the parties that approve it will only have the option to perish. The public will now push those who wander towards the cliff without understanding the pace of time; they will not shoulder them.

The longer the delay in reforming or perishing, the more confused the country’s political pace and direction become. The parties do not have the luxury of a long time. Whether it is a party that participated only in the previous election or parties with decades of history, this applies equally to all. Others can only give them a chance to reform, but the reform must come from within themselves. There is no definite model or formula for reform. The parties have to try to reform according to their own thoughts and understanding. Otherwise, they will have to face an existential crisis.

CPN-UML Central Committee Meeting. Photo: Bikram Rai/Nepal News

The traditional parties did show a lack of organizational system, structure, leadership, and ideology suitable for the time. In behavior and practice, the parties had lost their philosophical ground. Regardless of which party formed the government, it did not appear to be guided by the political ideology or philosophy of the respective party, but only as a group working for certain interest groups.

The lack of dialogue with citizens in recent decades is also one reason for the parties’ failure. They had neither a strong tactic and strategy to effectively communicate the good work they had done to the public, nor a way to know what expectations and opinions the public held. While in government, they used to consider the public as mere ‘subjects’ (raiti).

The parties called some spectacles, particularly those in the style of foot marches carried out after being ousted from power, as dialogue with the public. They seemed so artificial, as if they were participating in an entertainment program. The leaders never wanted to understand the fact that dialogue and a relationship of trust with the public cannot be established through such seasonal spectacles.

Another issue that the top leaders of the parties failed to understand is generational transfer of leadership (Pustantaraṇ). The transfer of leadership is necessary for generational change. But leaders seem to have understood generational change only as an occasional event at the general convention, covered up within the shell of the parties’ ‘democratic’ process. There is a complete lack of understanding that generational transfer is also a concept. A leadership that cannot comprehend the emotional currents of society, disregards common expectations, and leaders and cadres who lack the ability to feel the pulse of the time and follow the whims of the moment cannot face the current challenge. Therefore, all these aspects need reform.

Whether it was the leadership of the party or the government, the leaders were acting as if they had inherited it. They never showed the feeling or fear that someone could question them, that their leadership ability could be questioned, or that someone could challenge their leadership. Instead, they considered those who questioned them or held different views as subject to punishment. They did not want to think that leadership is not a permanent legacy, the position is temporary, and their work and style are always under surveillance.

Rather, their efforts were focused on eliminating resistant voices and questions both within and outside the party. It is these things that made the parties and their led governments incompetent. Whereas, the parties and leaders could have moved on the path of reform by improving the issues that were questioned. The democratic system is successful only with the participation and leadership of parties with strengthened democratic practices. The lack or weakness of democratic practice within the parties was a pre-signal of the crisis.

Familism, luxurious lifestyle, and non-transparent relationships flourishing within the party are the weeds that kill the ideals and consciousness of the parties.

To reform means to uproot and discard them. That is the responsibility of the new generation within the party. The recent movement has signaled that the right time has come for the youth within the parties and those wanting to join them to take the lead in reforming the parties.

It is also a partial truth that while in government, they could not guarantee good governance and failed to communicate the good work they had done to the public because they sat comfortably with a subjective opinion about themselves. Doing good work alone is not enough; it is also necessary to let the public know. There are also examples where the government and parties have been defeated by the propaganda of opponents due to a lack of dialogue with the public and an effective communication mechanism. For the parties to reform means to be vigilant on such issues as well.

From the perspective of social science, the leaders and cadres of the parties show the vice of practicing the politics of hatred. Hatred breeds counter-hatred and pollutes the entire society. The proverb says, ‘Water and habit flow from top to bottom’. When the leader only makes hateful and negative comments about others, the cadres also learn the same and do the same. This tendency drags the entire society towards negativity.

The tendency of politicians to indulge in trivial comments against opposition parties and leaders, tempted by the immediate applause of their cadres, is also fatal for themselves. When they spew venom at each other and criticize each other’s weaknesses, no one’s image remains intact and clean in the eyes of the public. The main source of hatred, mistrust, and negative feeling that has arisen among the public towards the leaders is the product of the hate-counter-hate they themselves engage in. To reform is also to pay attention to such seemingly simple human behaviors.

The current state

Before the Gen Z movement swept them out of power, the partners in the then-government were Nepal’s two longest-standing parties, the Nepali Congress and the CPN (UML). Therefore, the disgraceful removal from government was not just a failure of the government but a wholesale failure of those respective parties as well. This is a situation where the parties have lost their moral ground. Such a situation is risky for democracy.

In this time of the most significant opportunity in history, we have a government with the weakest legal/constitutional basis in history. In such a situation, there is a risk of losing the achievements gained from past movements as well.

The government formed on the strength of the rebellion must be able to excite people and instill hope. The dissatisfaction over the failure to address the desire for an end to anomalies and good governance was articulated in this rebellion. But looking at the recent decisions and activities of the current government, the room for hope in good governance seems to be shrinking.

The suspicion that impunity will be further institutionalized has increased. The public has rarely felt such a sense of insecurity in the past. The morale of the state security forces, especially the Nepal Police, has been weakened. State bodies and public institutions are weak, so they are not very effective. People are talking about the tragic possibilities of further conflict and even civil war.

Immediate past Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba and acting President Purna Bahadur Khadka at the Central Working Committee meeting on October 14. Khadka holds the acting president post by appointment from Deuba. Photo: Bikram Rai/Nepal News.

The inability to create a state of mind of certainty and the natural hope that arises after change measures the effectiveness of the government. The Council of Ministers has not yet been fully formed. However, at this time the government has the benefit of the doubt.

The overall success or failure of the government will be determined by how competently it can conduct the election and how easily it can hand over power to an elected government. In essence, the country is in a state of uncertainty and risk. The sooner and more wisely this transitional period is brought to an end, the faster the nation will recover.

Government priorities

The government, burdened with the significant responsibility entrusted to it by history, faces many challenges. The suspicion I expressed at the beginning—whether a pleasant possibility might be left behind—will also depend on the working style and the role the government plays. Whether to revel in immediate populism or to do work that people will remember for a long time is the government’s choice. The government needs to be more vigilant about what not to do than what to do.

There is general skepticism that the government will hold the House of Representatives election scheduled for March 5, 2026. In this situation, it must reassure citizens that the election will be held on the scheduled date and that the democratic system will not be put at risk by this government, and extra vigilance is required for this.

The government should pledge to investigate the killing of young people on September 8 and the incidents of destruction and looting on September 9, and punish the perpetrators.

Along with this, some result-oriented initiatives should be launched. It should at least initiate investigations and actions in some established corruption cases. The government, established on the strength of a rebellion that began with the demand for a guarantee of good governance, should be able to set some standard examples in that direction.

The morale of the security agencies and all public institutions is currently low. The government should immediately take steps to boost their morale. Since their role will be important in ensuring that the public feels security and justice in daily life and in making the election impartial and fearless, the government should keep this on its main agenda.

It should focus its activities on resource mobilization, security, and other necessary administrative procedures for election preparation. If it can successfully hold the election on time and hand over the government to parties that come through the regular political process, this government will be appreciated and remembered for a long time. The government should engage in continuous and intensive interaction with all political parties for the election.

Although the declared lifespan of this government is only six months, it should prepare and make public some indicators of good governance. Based on these, the government’s work progress and capacity can be transparently evaluated.

If the government can do at least this much, it will lay the foundation to protect the spirit and sentiment of the new youth’s movement, as well as democracy and the country’s sovereignty. The government’s competence and honesty will ultimately determine the meaningfulness or futility of the Gen Z rebellion.

The parties that were sidelined by this rebellion and especially those disgracefully ousted from the government believe that if the current government fails, they will be self-validated as correct and their relevance will be established. If this happens, there will be a double disadvantage. Firstly, the justification of the rebellion will be questioned. Secondly, the process of the parties reforming will also be obstructed, meaning they will be on the path to perishing.

Epilogue

The current Constitution is an achievement gained by the country at a great cost. Therefore, its fundamental values: Republic, Federalism, Secularism, Inclusion, and Human Rights are non-negotiable subjects. Work can be done to institutionalize them, make them effective, and make them relevant to the lives of common people. The Constitution is a dynamic document. It can be improved and made more progressive, but the abolition of its fundamental values will not be acceptable.

There is a saying in English: ‘Throwing the baby with the bath water.’ That is, throwing the baby out while disposing of the dirty bath water. The government and the beneficiaries of the country and democracy must be extremely vigilant about this. If the new government only points out the faults and weaknesses of the government before September 9 but does nothing that the public can feel, it will automatically fail.

If there is a failure to enrich and strengthen the achievements gained from serial movements and revolutions, or to lay the foundation for them, or if there is a retreat from the achievements made so far, the Nepali people will not forget this short-term government for a long time.

How to build Nepal or what kind of citizen to expect does not happen overnight, like one government being replaced by another due to a specific event. It also does not happen like the bandit Ratnakar suddenly becoming the sage Valmiki after gaining enlightenment. This requires at least a generation’s time. The result of the effort made today will be seen 25 years later. Therefore, we can expect such a generation after 25 years to make a qualitative leap from the current situation.

The continuation of today’s education system, where it is not clear what kind of education and for what utility it is intended, will not change the fate of Nepalis, no matter what government or system changes. It will only become weaker and riskier. The presence and intervention of social science in politics is negligible. That is another irony.

Finally, even though we repeatedly talk about changing or having changed power, it is essentially only like changing the government (one person for another). If power has a class character and ideological alignment, then such an ideologically and class-interest-aligned power has not been changed. Such power is more status quo-oriented than transformative.

The main reason why the status quo remains unchanged despite the system changing is that the power structure itself has not changed. Power that is not based on any ideological and philosophical foundation cannot be transformative.

(Dhakal is an anthropologist.)