KATHMANDU: On the recommendation of the government led by Sushila Karki, which was formed on the strength of the Gen Z movement, the House of Representatives was dissolved on September 12, with elections scheduled for March 5, 2026.

The lower house of Parliament, the House of Representatives, consists of 275 members. Of these, 165 are directly elected, while 110 are chosen through the proportional representation (PR) system.

The Interim Constitution of 2006 introduced a mixed electoral system with proportional representation to ensure inclusive representation. However, this system has been misused as a means for factional leaders, close associates of party leaders, and politicians unable to win direct elections to enter Parliament.

Through this distorted practice, parties have undermined the very principle of inclusive representation. The citizen unrest that erupted during the Gen Z movement was also fueled by such greedy and unethical behavior of political parties.

In the upcoming House of Representatives elections, it remains to be seen whether parties will seriously utilize the PR system according to its intended purpose or repeat the extreme misuse seen in the past. Historically, parties have set a very poor precedent when selecting MPs through proportional representation.

Nepal News, after reviewing the lists of proportional representation MPs from the last four elections, found a clear dominance of party-favored and leader-connected faces.

Analysis of PR representation across the four elections held under the mixed electoral system shows that this trend has strengthened over time, with candidate selection largely influenced by factional ties, access, power, and resources.

Powerful leaders’ trusted aides, relatives, wealthy individuals, and those unable to win under FPTP elections dominate the PR lists, often entering Parliament repeatedly through this system. This practice has not only created clusters of influence but, in some cases, reshaped entire parties.

Meenakshi Jha from Dhanusha is not a well-known name in national politics, nor is she a subject expert. Yet she has served as a proportional representation MP for the Nepali Congress party three consecutive times. She was elected in both Constituent Assemblies (2008 and 2013) and in the House of Representatives (2017).

At the time, she was only the chairperson of the party’s sister organization, the Nepal Women’s Union, Dhanusha branch. Currently, she is a central committee member of the party. She could have again entered the House in the 2022 elections, but Nepali Congress adopted a policy of not allowing anyone to continue through proportional representation indefinitely, effectively closing the door for her.

Four other Congress leaders also enjoyed the opportunity to serve as MPs three times in this way: party spokesperson Prakash Sharan Mahat, central committee member Arzu Rana Deuba, Ishwari Neupane, and Ambika Basnet. Rana is the wife of party president Sher Bahadur Deuba while Jha is considered close to another leader, Bimalendra Nidhi.

Analysis of PR representation across the four elections held under the mixed electoral system shows that this trend has strengthened over time, with candidate selection largely influenced by factional ties, access, power, and resources.

Jha claims she earned her opportunities through her contribution to the party. “I have been involved in party politics since 1972 as a student,” she says. “The party sent me to Parliament via proportional representation because it considered me capable.”

From the CPN (UML), MPs Eknath Dhakal and Amritlal Rajbanshi have also entered Parliament three times via PR. More than 54 leaders nationwide have repeatedly gained parliamentary entry through proportional representation.

Among these repeat beneficiaries, Nepali Congress leads, followed by the CPN (UML). Even though the UML generally avoids repetition, six of its leaders have served a second term.

MPs switching parties
House members Dhakal and Rajbanshi reached Parliament for a third time even after changing parties. Dhakal is the president of the Nepal Pariwar Dal, registered as number 19 at the Election Commission. The UML had placed him as the second candidate in the Khas Arya closed list, which sparked controversy, given that he was the head of another party.

His ties with the controversial Korean religious organization, the Universal Peace Federation, also drew discontent among UML leaders. Dhakal had previously been elected to both Constituent Assemblies representing his own party.

UML Standing Committee member Binda Pandey recalls that Dhakal’s placement as second in the Khas Arya cluster led to opposition. “Institutionally, if anyone asks tomorrow, I, as a Standing Committee member, will be unable to provide a proper answer,” she says.

Rajbanshi from Jhapa had been elected from Congress in both Constituent Assemblies. Just before the most recent election, he joined the UML and was included in its proportional list.

Similarly, Motilal Dugar from Morang switched parties and became a PR MP for the second time. Dugar, first elected via proportional representation from the Nepal Sadbhavana Party (Anandidevi) in 2008, formed the Naya Nirman Party Nepal in 2013. Failing to gain electoral influence, he joined the UML and became a PR MP in 2017.

Currently, PR nominations in the House allow parties to select preferred candidates from closed lists. However, after complaints of manipulation, rules were established to prevent arbitrary changes in priorities.

Business leaders and politicians switching parties

Famous industrialist Binod Chaudhary has also become a proportional representation (PR) MP twice after switching parties. He is Nepal’s only dollar-billionaire and was elected as a PR MP from the UML in the first Constituent Assembly and later from Congress to the House of Representatives in 2017. Currently a central committee member of Nepali Congress, he represents Nawalparasi (Bardaghat Susta West) in the House.

Ganga Chaudhary from Dang was elected to the Constituent Assembly via proportional representation in 2013 from the Tharuhat Terai Party Nepal. In 2017, she got the opportunity through the UML. She is currently active in the movement seeking the restoration of the monarchy.

Urmiladevi Sah from Dhanusha became a CA member via UML in 2008 and in 2013 entered the Constituent Assembly through the Federal Socialist Party.

Ranjukumari Jha from Saptari was elected via UML in 2013 and now serves as an MP from the Janata Samajwadi Party. Chanda Chaudhary from Sarlahi became an MP in 2017 from the Rastriya Janata Party Nepal and is now a member of the House via Congress.

Lharkyal Lama from Sindhupalchok was elected from UML in the first Constituent Assembly and from the Maoist party in the second, remaining a controversial figure.

Cluster shifts

Sarita Giri from Siraha was elected twice via proportional representation from different parties and clusters. She was first elected in 2008 via the Sadbhavana Party (Anandidevi) to represent Madhesi women. In 2013, she switched both party and cluster to the Federal Socialist Party. However, after voting against the party whip on a map-passing proposal in Parliament, she was penalized and lost her MP position.

Yashoda Subedi, a central committee member of the Maoist Centre party, was elected in the first CA from the “other/Khas Arya” cluster. In the 2017 House elections, she entered via the Indigenous Nationalities cluster under the name Yashoda Gurung Subedi. She is the wife of party general secretary Dev Gurung; her name was officially changed to include her husband’s surname.

Proportional representation as a safe route

Many repeated PR MPs from Congress and UML have been unsuccessful in FPTP elections. Nepali Congress spokesperson Prakash Sharan Mahat, central committee members Arzu Rana, Ishwari Neupane, and Ambika Basnet all lost FPTP contests. They entered the first and second Constituent Assemblies via proportional representation and contested directly in the 2017 House elections.

Rana was defeated by UML’s Nardamuni Rana in Kailali-5, Neupane came third in Kailali-1 against Rastriya Janata Party’s Ramesh Chaudhary, Mahat lost in Kathmandu-5 to UML’s Ishwar Pokhrel by 10,000 votes, and Basnet lost in Kathmandu-3 to UML’s Krishna Bahadur Rai.

In all these constituencies, except for the first CA elections, Nepali Congress candidates had historically been winning. For example, in Kailali-6 (largely now Kailali-5), Puskar Nath Ojha won in 2013.

Congress joint general secretary Mahendra Yadav entered the 2008 and 2013 Constituent Assemblies from the Madhesi quota but lost in the next two elections in Dhanusha-5, defeated both times by UML’s Raghubir Mahaseth.

Repeated PR MPs despite electoral defeats

Another Congress joint general secretary, Mahalaxmi Upadhyay Dina, lost in direct elections twice. In 2017, she was defeated by UML’s Birodh Khatiwada in Makwanpur-2, and in 2022 by Rastriya Prajatantra Party’s Deepak Singh in Makwanpur-1 after switching constituencies.

She had previously served two terms as a proportional representation (PR) MP.

Central committee member Sujata Koirala of Nepali Congress was elected as a PR MP in 2013 and 2017 but lost the 2022 election in Morang-2 to UML’s Rishikesh Pokharel.

In 2017, Nepali Congress’s Minendra Rijal had blocked a “clean sweep” attempt by the left alliance in Morang; Rijal had also been a PR MP in 2008 and 2013.

Another central committee member, Sita Gurung, entered both Constituent Assemblies via PR before contesting two direct elections in Tehrathum—losing the first and winning the second.

Maoist Centre’s Rekha Sharma became a PR MP in 2013 and 2017, defeating UML general secretary Shankar Pokhrel in Dang-2 in 2022 elections. Gurung and Sharma remain the only women MPs to win direct elections from Congress and Maoists, respectively.

Maoist Centre’s Onasari Gharti Magar served as a PR MP in 2008 and 2017, but in 2022 she finished fourth in Kathmandu-2, where Rastriya Swatantra Party’s Sobita Gautam won.

Intended system vs. reality

After the Interim Constitution of 2006, Nepal adopted a mixed electoral system. Four elections have been held since then. In the Constituent Assembly, 60% of members were elected directly and 40% via PR, with 26 nominated on government recommendation.

The Constitution of 2015 retained the mixed system for the federal House of Representatives, with a 60–40 ratio between direct and proportional representation.

In the 275-member House, 165 are directly elected. Proportional representation was designed to ensure inclusive representation after the Second People’s Movement, but party leadership has distorted the system.

“The problem arose because internal party democracy is weak. Leaders are not held accountable for their decisions, which has led to misuse of proportional representation,” says Chandrashekhar Parajuli, director of the Democratic Resource Center.

Party committees’ inability to make decisions and leaving final choices to top leadership has increased arbitrariness. “Previously, individuals on closed lists were selected based on party votes in the election. Now, the person who prepares the list ends up favoring their own candidate, corrupting the process,” explains UML Standing Committee member Binda Pandey.

Proportional representation was intended to promote inclusive politics, social justice, and sustainable democracy. However, political leaders have exploited loopholes. “Only in the first Constituent Assembly was proportional representation used properly; afterward, leaders found loopholes and began manipulating the system,” notes Ganesh Bishwakarma, secretary of the Unified Socialist Party.

Because PR MPs are often loyal to leaders rather than grassroots constituencies, their influence in parliamentary proceedings is limited. “We need people who understand ground-level discrimination but can raise collective issues at the table,” Pandey emphasizes.

While proportional representation opened the door for inclusive democracy, factional battles and power struggles have weakened it. If the system is not protected, inclusive voices, equal opportunities, and democratic representation could be permanently lost. Some critics have even suggested overhauling the entire electoral system to stop top-level manipulation.

Politicians elected three times via proportional representation (PR)

Nepali Congress

• Arzu Rana Deuba (2008, 2013, 2022)
• Prakash Sharan Mahat (2008, 2013, 2022)
• Ishwari Neupane (2008, 2013, 2022)
• Ambika Basnet (2008, 2013, 2022)
• Meenakshi Jha (2008, 2013, 2017)
• Eknath Dhakal (2008, 2013 – Nepal Pariwar Dal, 2022 – UML)
• Amritlal Rajbanshi (2008, 2013 – Nepali Congress, 2022 – UML)

Politicians elected twice via PR

Nepali Congress

• Jagdishwar Narasingh KC (2008, 2013)
• Pradeep Giri (2008, 2013)
• Minendra Prasad Rijal (2008, 2013)
• Manmohan Bhattarai (2008, 2013)
• Uma Adhikari Regmi (2008, 2017)
• Mahalaxmi Upadhyay Dina (2008, 2013)
• Meena Pandey (2008, 2013)
• Sujata Koirala (2013, 2017)
• Sarita Prasain (2013, 2022)
• Asha BK (2013, 2022)
• Kalpana Sob Damai (2008, 2013)
• Laxmi Pariyar (2008, 2017)
• Bimala Nepali (2008, 2017)
• Sujata Pariyar (2013, 2017)
• Kabita Kumari Sardar (2008, 2013)
• Khadga Bahadur Basyal (2008, 2013)
• Jiwan Pariyar (2013, 2022)
• Man Bahadur Bishwakarma (2013, 2017)
• Min Bahadur Bishwakarma (2013, 2017)
• Jip Chiring Lama (2008, 2017)
• Dhanraj Gurung (2008, 2013)
• Anjali Shrestha (2013, 2022)
• Usha Gurung (2008, 2013)
• Pramila Rai (2008, 2017)
• Mahendra Kumari Limbu (2013, 2017)
• Ratna Sherchan (2008, 2013)
• Sita Gurung (2008, 2013)
• Saraswati Bajimaya (2013, 2022)
• Badshah Kurmi (2008, 2013)
• Mahendra Yadav (2008, 2013)
• Binod Chaudhary (2008, 2017)
• Chitralekha Yadav (2013, 2017)
• Muktakumari Yadav (2013, 2022)
• Sangita Mandal Dhanuk (2013, 2022)
• Bhutani Devi Khawas (2008, 2013)
• Arjunlal Rajbanshi (2008, 2013)

CPN (UML)

• Binda Pandey (2008, 2017)
• Juli Mahto (2008, 2017)
• Shanta Chaudhary (2008, 2017)
• Shanti Maya Tamang Pakhrin (2008, 2017)
• Tham Maya Thapa Magar (2008, 2017)

Maoist Centre

• Rekha Sharma (2013, 2017)
• Onsari Gharti (2008, 2017)
• Yashoda Gurung Subedi (2008, 2017)
• Amrita Thapa Magar (2008, 2017)

Nepal Pariwar Dal

• Eknath Dhakal (2008, 2013)

CPN (ML)

• CP Mainali (2008, 2013)

Rastriya Janamorcha

• Meena Pun (2008, 2013)

Dalit Janajati Party

• Bishwendra Paswan (2008, 2013)

Rastriya Prajatantra Party Nepal

• Kunti Shahi (2008, 2013)

Madhesi Janadhikar Forum Nepal

• Shravan Kumar Agrawal (2008, 2013)

Politicians who switched parties

• Amrita Devi Agrahari (2017 – Rastriya Janata Party, 2022 – UML)
• Ganga Chaudhary (2013 – Tharuhat Terai Party Nepal, 2017 – UML)
• Urmila Devi Sah (2008 – UML, 2013 – Federal Socialist Party)
• Nirjala Raut (2013 – Rastriya Madhesi Socialist Party, 2017 – Rastriya Janata Party Nepal)
• Kalpana Chaudhary (2013 – Madhesi Janadhikar Forum [Democratic], 2022 – Congress; party merged with Congress)
• Chanda Chaudhary (2017 – Rastriya Janata Party, 2022 – Congress)
• Rukmini Chaudhary (2008 – Federal Democratic National Forum, 2013 – Federal Democratic National Forum [Tharuhat]; after party split)
• Sarita Giri (2008 – Nepal Sadbhavana Party Anandidevi, 2017 – Federal Socialist Forum)
• Ranjukumari Jha (2013 – UML, 2022 – Janata Samajwadi Party)
• Prem Bahadur Singh (2008 – Socialist Democratic Janata Party, 2013 – Socialist Janata Party; party split)
• Motilal Dugar (2008 – Nepal Sadbhavana Party Anandidevi, 2017 – CPN-UML)
• Pratiksha Tiwari (2013 – CPN-Maoist Centre, 2022 – CPN-UML)

Politicians who changed clusters

• Sarita Giri (2008 – Madhesi, 2017 – Khas Arya)
• Yashoda Subedi (2008 – Khas Arya, 2017 – Indigenous Nationalities)